行尸走肉第三季
小米玄戒 O100 原型机、AI Cube 真机首秀：自研芯片加持，内置 Xiaomi MiMo 端侧模型_我的网站
一 |
In 1963, just as Martin Luther King Jr. and the other “Big Six” civil rights leaders were in the final stages of planning the March on Washington, my mother, Sybil Haydel Morial, incorporated the Louisiana League of Good Government, a nonprofit created to help African Americans overcome deterrents to voting such as literacy tests.
She’d been banned from joining the Louisiana branch of the League of Women Voters because of her race. “That shut door was an epiphany for me,” she wrote in her memoir, “Witness to Change: From Jim Crow to Political Empowerment.” Rather than be deterred, she devoted herself to preparing Black New Orleanians for Louisiana’s nearly-impossible literacy test.
Registrars – who were all white – had wide latitude in determining who passed or failed such tests, and they used their authority to fail most Black applicants, thereby keeping them from voting. Ironically, one of the tests required applicants to read the preamble of the U.S. Constitution, intended to “establish Justice” and “secure the Blessings of Liberty,” in the words of the Founding Fathers who authored them nearly two centuries earlier.
But in Louisiana, in 1963, justice and liberty still were reserved mostly for white people.
On the very day that civil rights activist Medgar Evers was gunned down in his own driveway in Jackson, Mississippi, in June of 1963, my mother picked up the phone to hear, “Morial is going to get what that [racial slur] in Mississippi got.” We had been receiving threatening calls ever since my father, Ernest “Dutch” Morial,” had assumed the presidency of the NAACP in New Orleans (and later the first Black mayor of the city). But after that threatening phone call, my parents took extra precautions: My father would blast his car horn when he pulled up to the house each night, and my mother would flash the carport light several times, all to scare off would-be assassins.
The voting rights struggle of my parents’ generation was a steep uphill climb, but as the years went by, they saw barrier after barrier fall, from the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision (where the Supreme Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional) to the Civil Rights Act to the Voting Rights Act of 1965 to the Fair Housing Act of 1968. Now, 60 years after the March on Washington, we are seeing many of those same barriers – and new ones – rise up once again.
My parents fought Jim Crow, who used bogus literacy tests and threats of violence to keep Black Americans from the voting booth.
By the time I assumed leadership of the National Urban League in 2003, our adversary was James Crow, Esq., who used racial gerrymandering to dilute the political voices of Black Americans.
Today, we are battling Jimmy Crow, who wants to disregard the results of elections entirely.
The current assault on voting rights is a direct response to the rising influence of the Black vote since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. As we noted in last year’s State of Black America report, which was subtitled “Under Siege: The Plot to Destroy Democracy,” an anti-democracy wave began to rise after record-high Black voting rates in 2008 and crested with the Supreme Court’s 2013 decision in Shelby County v. Holder to gut the Voting Rights Act. Now, that wave has broken against “The Big Lie,” the relentless campaign to invalidate the free, fair and validated results of the 2020 election. Those who marched in 1963 were fighting for their right to participate in democracy. Those who attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, were fighting to obliterate democracy.
So far, in 2023 alone, state lawmakers have introduced at least 323 bills to restrict the vote in 45 states. At least 13 of these bills, in 11 states, have passed into law. Even more alarming is the rise of election interference legislation, which would allow partisan interference in the election process. At least 78 bills have been introduced this year in 20 states that would make it easier to, for example, criminally prosecute election officials for simply doing their jobs, set up bogus partisan “review” procedures, or prohibit the use of machines to count ballots for any election. At least four states already have passed such laws.
The campaign to exclude Black Americans from the democratic process is gradually being supplanted with a campaign to eliminate the democratic process altogether.
Earlier this summer, with its decision in Moore v. Harper, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the “independent state legislature theory” that extremists have pushed in order to give state legislatures free rein to gerrymander electoral maps and suppress voters of color – and to give cover to their sinister efforts to overturn elections.
Still, the court’s decision is unlikely to deter these extremists, who are intent on returning a man to the White House who faces numerous indictments for attempting to invalidate the results of the 2020 election. If those forces succeed, the two-century moral arc that has bent slowly, if unevenly, toward universal suffrage could come to an end.
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二 | 8 月 25 日消息，小米玄戒芯片技术沟通会于 8 月 24 日下午举行，除了三款玄戒芯片，小米还展出了两款原型机。今日，小米集团合伙人、总裁，手机部总裁，小米品牌总经理卢伟冰晒出了玄戒 O100 原型机 —— 为端侧大模型而生的高速 AI 演示终端。卢伟冰介绍称，玄戒 O100 原型机采用玄戒 O3 与 O100 双芯协同计算，将传统手机影像模块取消、主板全部推翻重制，加入主动风冷散热系统，最高可支持 10 瓦功率的超强散热能力。此外，玄戒 O100 原型机内置 Xiaomi MiMo 端侧模型，实测可达每秒 295 Tokens 超高推理速度。注意到，另一款原型机为 Xiaomi AI Cube「Prototype」迷你主机，外观采用航空铝一体成型机身，33,874 个 CNC 精密镂空散热孔，可 150 瓦持续高性能释放。机身内部，Xiaomi AI Cube「Prototype」将玄戒 O3、O100 与 D100 全面融于一身，配备 80GB 超大容量统一内存，部署 120B 大参数量模型与 3B 端侧模型，可进行快慢系统切换。不论前端开发还是复杂编程任务，都可在这台个人 AI 超级计算终端执行。
三 | 小米官方用两台端侧 AI 原型机跑了几个 Demo case，效果如视频所示：在小米玄戒芯片技术沟通会现场也拍到了两款原型机的身影，更多图片如下：相关阅读：广告声明：文内含有的对外跳转链接（包括不限于超链接、二维码、口令等形式），用于传递更多信息，节省甄选时间，结果仅供参考，包含外链的文章均包含本声明。
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